Differences
This shows you the differences between two versions of the page.
Both sides previous revision Previous revision Next revision | Previous revision | ||
effects_of_family_structure_on_the_economy [2015/10/15 14:00] cordell [5. Single Parenthood] |
effects_of_family_structure_on_the_economy [2017/09/15 18:20] marri [5. Single Parenthood] |
||
---|---|---|---|
Line 1: | Line 1: | ||
==========Effects of Family Structure on the Economy========== | ==========Effects of Family Structure on the Economy========== | ||
- | //Research Synthesis Paper//: [[http:// | ||
- | \\ //Research Synthesis Paper//: [[http:// | ||
- | \\ //Research Synthesis Paper//: [[http:// | ||
- | The economic well-being of the United States is strongly[[effects_of_marriage_on_financial_stability| related to marriage]], which is a choice about how we channel | + | The economic well-being of the United States is strongly[[effects_of_marriage_on_financial_stability| related to marriage]], which is a choice about how to channel sexuality. The implications of sexual choices are apparent when comparing, across |
- | Family structure and economic well-being are correlated. Behind the demographics of changing family structures with all their economic implications lies a deeper change: the lessening capacity for the intimate social relationships that marriage demands. In 2008, only 45 percent of American seventeen-year-olds were in a family headed by their biological parents, leaving them weaker in their relational capacities than prior generations. The numbers are lowest among African-Americans, | + | Family structure and economic well-being are correlated. Behind the demographics of changing family structures with all their economic implications lies a deeper change: the lessening capacity for the intimate social relationships that marriage demands. In 2008, only 45 percent of American seventeen-year-olds were in a family headed by their biological parents, leaving them weaker in their relational capacities than prior generations. The numbers are lowest among African-Americans, |
- | Poverty rates especially highlight this strain. Poverty is principally the problem of [[effects_of_family_structure_on_the_economy|non-intact family structures]]. Compared to married families, six times as many female-headed families are impoverished. There are differences in the financial well-being of always-single mothers and divorced mothers, but poverty and welfare needs are major problems for female-headed households. | + | Poverty rates especially highlight this strain. Poverty is principally the problem of [[effects_of_single_parents_on_poverty_rates|non-intact family structures]]. Compared to married families, six times as many female-headed families are impoverished. There are differences in the financial well-being of always-single mothers and divorced mothers, but poverty and welfare needs are major problems for female-headed households. |
Data collected in 2001 shows that more than two-thirds of children in [[effects_of_out-of-wedlock_births_on_poverty|never-married families]] live at or under official levels of poverty compared to 12 percent of children living in two-parent, married families.((Survey of Consumer Finance, 2001 data.)) Data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth reveal that a child of a single, never-married parent will live one-half of his or her childhood in a household officially classified as poor. If the [[effects_of_marriage_on_child_poverty|parent eventually marries]], the child will spend about a quarter of his or her childhood living in poverty, which is about the same amount of time that children of [[effects.of.divorce.on.financial.stability|divorced families spend in poverty]]. However, children of married, intact families, will spend only 7 percent of their childhood, on average, in poverty.((Robert E. Rector and Kirk A. Johnson, “Understanding Poverty in America,” //Heritage Foundation Backgrounder//, | Data collected in 2001 shows that more than two-thirds of children in [[effects_of_out-of-wedlock_births_on_poverty|never-married families]] live at or under official levels of poverty compared to 12 percent of children living in two-parent, married families.((Survey of Consumer Finance, 2001 data.)) Data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth reveal that a child of a single, never-married parent will live one-half of his or her childhood in a household officially classified as poor. If the [[effects_of_marriage_on_child_poverty|parent eventually marries]], the child will spend about a quarter of his or her childhood living in poverty, which is about the same amount of time that children of [[effects.of.divorce.on.financial.stability|divorced families spend in poverty]]. However, children of married, intact families, will spend only 7 percent of their childhood, on average, in poverty.((Robert E. Rector and Kirk A. Johnson, “Understanding Poverty in America,” //Heritage Foundation Backgrounder//, | ||
- | The correlation between child poverty and living outside of an intact family is even stronger in the African-American community. According to Current Population Survey (CPS), the chances that African-American children would experience poverty in 1998 was seven times greater among those who live in a non-married household than those who live in a married-family household.((U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, 1998.)) Data from 2006 show that, while there are almost equal numbers of married and not-married black families with children under 18, huge disparities separate the two household types that live in poverty (7.9 percent of married families versus 25.3 percent of not-married families).((U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, 2007 Annual Social and Economic Supplement, at http:// | + | The correlation between child poverty and living outside of an intact family is even stronger in the African-American community. According to Current Population Survey (CPS), the chances that African-American children would experience poverty in 1998 was seven times greater among those who live in a non-married household than those who live in a married-family household.((U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, 1998.)) Data from 2006 show that, while there are almost equal numbers of married and not-married black families with children under 18, huge disparities separate the two household types that live in poverty (7.9 percent of married families versus 25.3 percent of not-married families).((U.S. Census Bureau, |
=====1. Marriage===== | =====1. Marriage===== | ||
//(See [[effects_of_marriage_on_financial_stability|Effects of Marriage on Financial Stability]])// | //(See [[effects_of_marriage_on_financial_stability|Effects of Marriage on Financial Stability]])// | ||
- | Married couples enjoy, on average, larger incomes, greater net worth, and greater year-to-year net worth growth. Married couples also create the best economic environment for children. Their children experience more economic mobility and [[effects_of_marriage_on_child_poverty|less poverty]] in childhood than children | + | Married couples enjoy, on average, |
+ | Thomas DeLeire and Leonard M. Lopoo, //Family Structure and the Economic Mobility of Children, Economic Mobility Project//, (2010). Available at [[http:// | ||
+ | Wang, Wendy and W. Bradford Wilcox, "The Millennial Success Sequence: Marriage, Kids, and the ' | ||
+ | Timothy J. Biblarz and Adrian E. Raftery, “The Effects of Family Disruption on Social Mobility, | ||
+ | Marriage is also essential on the macroeconomic level. Married Americans spend more money than their cohabiting, divorced, single, and never-married counterparts.((Newport, | ||
=====2. Re-Marriage===== | =====2. Re-Marriage===== | ||
//(See [[effects.of.stepfamilies.on.financial.stability|Effects of Stepfamilies on Financial Stability]])// | //(See [[effects.of.stepfamilies.on.financial.stability|Effects of Stepfamilies on Financial Stability]])// | ||
- | Remarriage after divorce increases a family’s income, though income and net worth rarely rise to pre-divorce levels. However, children whose mothers remarry after divorce are less likely to live in poverty than those whose cohabit after divorce. | + | Remarriage after divorce increases a family’s income, though income and net worth rarely rise to pre-divorce levels.((Janet Wilmoth and Gregor Koso, “Does Marital History Matter? Marital Status and Wealth Outcomes among Preretirement Adults,” //Journal of Marriage and Family// 64, no. 1 (2002): 261.)) |
=====3. Divorce===== | =====3. Divorce===== | ||
//(See [[effects.of.divorce.on.financial.stability|Effects of Divorce on Financial Stability]])// | //(See [[effects.of.divorce.on.financial.stability|Effects of Divorce on Financial Stability]])// | ||
- | Following a divorce, both spouses’ net worth decreases. Many women also sustain substantial income losses and are forced into poverty, particularly if the couple has any children. If they do, women frequently must care for them financially or developmentally on their own, which also depresses their economic well-being. Even among women who receive child support, many custodial mothers are impoverished. Divorce severely diminishes child economic well-being, particularly child economic mobility. | + | Following a divorce, both spouses’ net worth decreases.((Jay L. Zagorsky, “Marriage and Divorce’s Impact on Wealth,” //Journal of Sociology// 41, no. 4 (2005).)) |
+ | Kenneth A. Couch and Dean R. Lillard, “Divorce, Educational Attainment, and the Earnings Mobility of Sons,” //Journal of Family and Economic Issues// 18, no. 3 (1997): 241.)) | ||
=====4. Cohabitation===== | =====4. Cohabitation===== | ||
//(See [[effects.of.cohabitation.on.financial.stability|Effects of Cohabitation on Financial Stability]])// | //(See [[effects.of.cohabitation.on.financial.stability|Effects of Cohabitation on Financial Stability]])// | ||
- | Cohabiting relationships are frequently unstable and of [[cohabitation.and.future.marital.stability|short duration]]. Cohabitation produces weaker economic outcomes than marriage, according to all economic metrics examined | + | Cohabiting relationships are frequently unstable and of [[cohabitation.and.future.marital.stability|short duration]]. Cohabitation produces weaker economic outcomes than marriage, according to all economic metrics examined.((Patrick F Fagan, Andrew J. Kidd, and Henry Potrykus, " |
+ | Peter D. Brandon and Larry Bumpass, “Children’s Living Arrangements, | ||
+ | Wendy D. Manning and Daniel T. Lichter, “Parental Cohabitation and Children' | ||
=====5. Single Parenthood===== | =====5. Single Parenthood===== | ||
//(See [[effects.of.single.parents.on.financial.stability|Effects of Single Parents on Financial Stability]])// | //(See [[effects.of.single.parents.on.financial.stability|Effects of Single Parents on Financial Stability]])// | ||
- | Single parents, and single mothers, in particular, face remarkably difficult economic circumstances. Single mothers have the lowest median income and the lowest net worth of all family structures with children. | + | Single parents, and single mothers, in particular, face remarkably difficult economic circumstances. Single mothers have the [[effects_of_family_structure_on_income|lowest median income]]((Julie DaVanzo and M. Omar Rahman, “American Families: Trends and Correlates, |
- | Long-term income, wealth and hence poverty are largely a matter of choice in America today—the choice of marriage and the pathways to it. We assert this not only because of all associated structural correlates, but also based on the revealed income-earning capacities of the different householders, | + | Long-term income, wealth and hence poverty are largely a matter of choice in America today—the choice of marriage and the pathways to it. This is not only due to all associated structural correlates, but also is based on the revealed income-earning capacities of the different householders, |
- | There is an intimate relationship between | + | There is an intimate relationship between income and wealth, and our sexual culture. They rise or fall together, and thus there is a significant connection between |
=====6. Intergenerational Effects===== | =====6. Intergenerational Effects===== | ||
- | Simply put, whether | + | Whether |
- | Numerous academic and social science researchers have demonstrated how the path to achieving a decent and stable income is still the traditional one: complete school, get a job, get married, then have children, in that order.((Ron Haskins and Isabel Sawhill. //Creating an Opportunity Society//. Brookings Institution Press, 2009.)) Obviously, the journey toward a secure income can be derailed by choices growing children make, such as dropping out of school or getting pregnant before marriage. But generally, children who grow up in a stable, two-parent family have the best prospects for achieving income security as adults. | + | Numerous academic and social science researchers have demonstrated how the path to achieving a decent and stable income is still the traditional one: complete school, get a job, get married, then have children, in that order.((Ron Haskins and Isabel Sawhill, //Creating an Opportunity Society// |
+ | \\ | ||
+ | \\ | ||
+ | \\ | ||
+ | This entry draws heavily from [[http:// | ||
Because of recent advances in the methods social scientists and economists use to collect data, researchers are taking a broader intergenerational view of America’s poor. From this vantage point, it has become clear that federal policies over the past three decades have [[effects_of_welfare_on_families|promoted welfare dependency]] and single-parent families over married parents while frittering away the benefits of a vigorous free market and a strong economy. Today, the economic and social future of children in the poor and the middle class is being undermined by a culture that promotes teenage sex, divorce, cohabitation, | Because of recent advances in the methods social scientists and economists use to collect data, researchers are taking a broader intergenerational view of America’s poor. From this vantage point, it has become clear that federal policies over the past three decades have [[effects_of_welfare_on_families|promoted welfare dependency]] and single-parent families over married parents while frittering away the benefits of a vigorous free market and a strong economy. Today, the economic and social future of children in the poor and the middle class is being undermined by a culture that promotes teenage sex, divorce, cohabitation, | ||